Holy Roman Empire

The British Government was already in a state of panic, and there was even less to be said for the French government. They had long been at their wits' end, completely clueless about how to bring the situation to a close.

As the man at the center of these events, Napoleon IV received even more bad news. Publicly, the French Army gathered its forces for another go after a major defeat, but outsiders were unaware of the heavy price the French Army had paid for this.

Retreating in a rout was no easy task. The enemy was not foolish and would certainly take the opportunity to expand their victories. To retreat successfully, it was essential to sacrifice some forces to cover the retreat.

Moreover, those tasked with acting as the rearguard must be elite troops with high loyalty. If the rearguard was left to the newly formed units with a majority of Italians, they might switch sides as soon as the Austrian army arrived.

And then, one million French troops were gone. Casualties + wounded + deserters + prisoners, the French Army's total manpower reduced by over one million, including three hundred thousand elite troops.

The loss of manpower was severe, and the number of lost materiel and equipment was incalculable. In the rush to retreat, the French Army even had to destroy their own artillery positions.

Materiel could be bought again, weapons and equipment could be remanufactured, and manpower losses could be replenished, but time would not allow it.

No sooner had this battle ended than the Battle of Turin had already begun, and the Battle of Luxembourg followed in quick succession, with the French Army only being able to react defensively.

Army Minister Luskinia: "Your Majesty, yesterday morning the Spaniards launched an attack on the Ruseiyong region. After a bloody struggle by our frontline soldiers, we finally defeated the enemy forces in the evening."

A rare piece of good news failed to lift the spirits of Napoleon IV. Obviously influenced by the French Army's great defeat, the Spaniards had become restless.

Regardless of the Spaniards' strength, France had yet another battlefront to contend with, which only increased the military pressure they faced.

Seeing the hesitance in the Army Minister's demeanor, Napoleon IV felt a chill in his heart and said with a bitter smile, "Continue, which battle has been lost now? I can take it. At this point, how much worse could it get?"

Despair, that was the most genuine reflection of Napoleon IV's inner state at the moment. The series of failures on the battlefield and the disastrous diplomatic defeats were all shaking Napoleon IV's confidence.

It was a despair others could not comprehend, watching the Anti-French Alliance grow stronger day by day while the only ally wavered at this critical time.

Luskinia spoke slowly, "Austria and Switzerland have formed an allied force and have launched an attack against us. The regions of eastern Burgundy, Auvergne, and others have become battlefields.

The enemy is fierce, and our forces stationed in the east are severely insufficient..."

Before Luskinia could finish speaking, Napoleon IV interrupted, "I understand. The Army Department can handle it themselves!"

Napoleon IV had recently grown too familiar with words like 'difficulty' and 'trouble,' and he was thoroughly tired of them. Solutions were welcome, but the real fear was the insurmountable problems that for some reason still required his involvement.

Better not to listen at all than to listen and suffer a headache. After all, the ministers would solve any solvable problems on their own and report only the solutions; for problems that couldn't be solved, he was equally powerless.

In some ways, Napoleon IV was a good leader; even in the face of dual failures in military and diplomatic fields, he didn't shove his subordinates out to take the blame.

Of course, pushing someone out to take the blame would have no real effect. While it might relieve political pressure in the short term, it would also evoke a sense of shared dread and trigger turmoil within the government.

Prime Minister Terence Burke said in a low voice, "Your Majesty, prepare for ceasefire negotiations! We've reached a point where we can't continue fighting."

"Ceasefire negotiations" also depend on timing. Earlier, when France had the upper hand, they naturally had the capital to negotiate terms.

Now it's different. France is at a comprehensive military and diplomatic disadvantage. To propose "ceasefire negotiations" now would basically be equivalent to "surrender."

If possible, Terence Burke absolutely did not want to surrender to the enemy. But there was no choice; France really couldn't continue the fight.

The flames of war had already reached French soil, and every day the war continued brought massive losses to France.

If they didn't take this opportunity to negotiate with the Anti-French Alliance while they still had some bargaining chips, by the time the enemy marched over, the conditions would be far from what they could command now.

After hesitating for a moment, Napoleon IV let out a sigh and slowly said, "How shall we negotiate?"

He had no objections to a "ceasefire." If possible, Napoleon IV wouldn't mind an immediate ceasefire. The problem was that starting a war was easy, but ending it was difficult.

Some countries might be settled by giving them some benefits, but Germany, Belgium, and Austria would certainly not settle for that. Both sides had already shed rivers of blood. Now, to negotiate without paying a heavy price would be impossible.

Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets answered, "The British agree to mediate. The London Government has made a commitment to ensure the territorial integrity of France as much as possible.

According to the current international situation, Austria will become even more powerful after the European war ends, which doesn't align with the interests of European countries.

On this point, even the Russians are our potential allies. The other countries haven't reacted mainly because the situation changed too quickly and they lack a reasonable excuse to intervene."

Well, Karl Chardlets felt he couldn't keep up the pretense much longer. It was one thing for European countries not wanting to see Austria become too powerful, but quite another to actually lend France a helping hand; these were two different concepts.

In real life, reason often loses out to emotion — after all, people aren't machines and are influenced by feelings.

At least France's neighbors would be influenced by feelings. For Spain, Belgium, Switzerland, and several Italian countries, whether or not Austria would become more powerful was irrelevant; the priority was to first eliminate France.

The so-called long-term interests were nonsense. History had taught them that if they didn't take the opportunity to defeat France, their formidable enemy, they wouldn't have good days ahead.

No matter how great the interests might be, they couldn't compare to the importance of one's own safety. For small countries, survival is the first priority, regardless of who the boss is — they're always the underling.

Against this backdrop, as long as Austria doesn't act alone, it won't be isolated. With so many enemies present, France cannot expect to escape without shedding a layer of skin.

Self-deception or wishful thinking, the French government now needs hope, a hope that they can withdraw in one piece.

"Tell the British that we agree to negotiate, and we're also willing to pay the price for this war. We can do without the colonies, but the integrity of our homeland must be ensured. Experience more content on My Virtual Library Empire

The government should handle the pacification of the people well. Once the news of the negotiations spreads, it will undoubtedly cause a huge stir. France can't withstand any more turmoil.

"If necessary, I will abdicate at the right time to take responsibility for this war,"

Having said that, Napoleon IV lay back in his chair, exhausted, and paid no further attention to those around him.

In the political games of the European Continent, losing territory and paying indemnities are quite normal. Unfortunately, nationalism had risen, especially in France, a bastion of nationalism, where the public's tolerance for defeat was even lower.

In the commonly held view of society, colonies were seen as assets that could be lost; however, the homeland must never be ceded.

The double-edged sword of nationalism, forged by Napoleon himself, finally turned against his own house, bringing the greatest challenge to the Bonaparte Dynasty.

Only by preserving the integrity of the homeland, and with Napoleon IV's proactive abdication to ameliorate the people's fury, could the Bonaparte Dynasty find a glimmer of hope.

…

St. Petersburg, influenced by the fluctuating situation in Europe, saw the stance of the Tsarist Government affected as well.

Without a doubt, the Tsarist Government would not lend France a hand at this juncture. Even if some recognized the strategic importance of preserving France, they would not act at this time.

Interest trumps all. If one claimed strategic necessity required rescuing the French from their plight, then what was the purpose of diplomacy?

Marshal Ivanov said enthusiastically, "Your Majesty, the situation of the war has clarified. The French have suffered consecutive defeats in both Central and Southern European Battlefields and are now beyond the point of recovery.

Compounding their troubles, the Spaniards have also launched probing attacks on their border. With the newly opened Swiss battlefield by the Allied Forces, the French are, in effect, fighting on four fronts.

If all goes as expected, within six months the French will be defeated, and it's time for us to make our move."

Plans never keep up with changes. Originally, the Tsarist Government had prepared to declare war without engaging and simply watched France and Austria exhaust each other's strength. Sadly, the French proved inadequate, showing signs of defeat almost from the start.

Since the plan to deplete Austrian strength had fallen through, the Tsarist Government naturally considered how to maximize its own gains.

Cherry-picking was essential— if not the biggest, at least the second-largest fruit had to be seized.

If one did not mobilize troops, at the time of post-war division of spoils, the Russian Empire's influence would vanish.

Don't be deceived by Austria's promise that the Russian Empire could share twenty percent of the war indemnities. Fulfilling such a promise was not so simple.

Barely relying on a treaty and expecting the French to pay up without fuss? Forget it. The Tsarist Government had experience with defaulters; strength speaks, if you don't give, they won't pay.

Without the support of the Anti-French Alliance, the Russian Empire alone had no power to make France pay its debts.

And this was optimistic thinking; if Austria, disregardful of appearances, decided to divide and conquer France with a few lesser powers, leaving Russia without a penny in reparations, the Tsarist Government would be in a tragic position.

In a sense, mobilizing troops at this time was not only to weaken France but also to protect it.

Power is the true right of speech. Only with the Russian Army present on French soil during the post-war settlement could the Tsarist Government assert adequate influence.

Whether it be strategic necessity or the desire for substantial reparations, the Tsarist Government needed to preserve France's vitality. After all, only a great power could afford significant payments.

Alexander III hesitated. The tides changed too swiftly, leaving him somewhat stunned. Just last month they had decided to be spectators, and now they were contemplating deploying troops.

He asked, uncertainly, "Are the French really unable to hold out any longer?"

"Yes, Your Majesty! The actual situation might be even worse than we anticipated, what with two additional battlefronts opening up. Given the instability in the Italian Area, the French government no longer has sufficient troops to face the upcoming war,"

Ivanov affirmed. The Russian military had analyzed the situation thoroughly, and not even the most optimistic believed that France could turn the tide.

Foreign Minister Oscar Hemenes proposed, "Your Majesty, if you're concerned about the losses involved in joining the war, we still have the option of taking an indirect strategy.

Like us, the British wish to keep France intact. We could leverage this shared interest to facilitate a connection directly with the French, and then land our forces from the sea.

What matters most to Austria now is the unification of the Germany Region and the assimilation of recently occupied French African territories. They will not complicate matters at this time.

As long as we occupy France first, our voice in post-war negotiation will naturally grow stronger."

This was a fact. Vienna's strategic plans were fully defined—unify Germany, assimilate French African assets, and Austria would become the world's preeminent power.

In comparison, all other matters, including the weakening of France, were of secondary importance. After all, Austria had managed to crush a France at its zenith; a diminished France posed no threat whatsoever.

After a long silence, Alexander III finally asked slowly, "How can you guarantee that the French will trust us?

Moreover, even if the British can persuade the French government to agree, how can we ensure that this isn't a trap?"

Trust was a critical weakness; France and Russia were enemies, and no one in their right mind would place their lifeline into enemy hands just on a promise.

If the Russian army entered France and the Tsarist Government suddenly betrayed them, the French government wouldn't even have the chance to lament.

The same concern existed for the Tsarist Government. No matter how pleasant the negotiations, if the British turned on them midway, and the Royal Navy sent the Russian forces to the bottom of the sea, the Tsarist Government would become the laughing stock of the century.

Given the animosity between England and Russia, the British Government had every motivation to do precisely that.

Alexander III didn't trust the British, no matter what anyone thought. Without assurance of the Russian Army's safety, he wouldn't venture to risk tens of thousands of troops.

…