The Tyrant Billionaire

Johnson's price was Japanese assets, and what he gained was the ability to carry out his governance strategy.

MacArthur jumped in to stop it.

But what could he stop?

Could he really stop it?

Caught in the web of interests among the President, Congress, and the seven major consortiums, MacArthur's power as the "supreme ruler" of Japan paled in comparison.

Despite his domineering presence in Japan, in the United States, he was just another general—one among many of his rank.

Naturally, Hardy also wanted the limited healthcare plan to pass because he had significant interests at stake. For that reason, he even formed a new insurance company with the Bank of America and Pacific Insurance Company, part of the California consortium.

If the "limited healthcare plan" passed, this new insurance company could secure 30% of the business, instantly making it a giant in the insurance industry.

Time quickly passed.

The day of the vote arrived.

In the joint session of the House and Senate at Capitol Hill, today's meeting was presided over by Vice President Alben William Barkley in his role as President of the Senate.

President Johnson also attended the meeting.

The first item on the agenda was the proposal to price and permit the sale of Japan's confiscated military enterprises. This was a general proposal, meaning it only needed a simple majority to pass. In the end, after the votes were tallied, the vast majority of legislators had voted in favor.

As for what happens in Japan, most of the people present either had no understanding of the situation or didn't care. Dealing with Japan's assets had nothing to do with their own interests. Moreover, many had already received calls from their financial backers, so they wouldn't go against their benefactors for such a trivial matter.

The second item on the agenda was President Johnson's "National Limited Healthcare Welfare Plan." Since this policy affected 150 million people across the United States and was deemed important to the nation's future and security, it required a two-thirds majority vote in both the House and Senate to pass.

Johnson had already presented this proposal once before. He had put in great effort, persuading Democratic lawmakers to support him and delivering a speech in Congress, emphasizing the advantages and significance of the healthcare policy. He even had to answer questions from the legislators, but it still ended in failure.

But this time, the joint session proceeded without any turbulence. After President Johnson's speech, only a few legislators raised a handful of mild questions.

The vote was held.

The final result passed the proposal with more than two-thirds of the vote.

President Johnson was emotionally moved.

Since his re-election, this was the first reform proposal he had successfully pushed through. The implementation of this limited healthcare plan would bring significant benefits to the American people and lay a solid foundation for future healthcare policies.

But at the same time, he couldn't help but sigh inwardly.

Before he had Hardy's support, despite all his efforts, he couldn't make any progress, constantly being blocked by Republican legislators.

But now, with Hardy's help, the proposal had passed smoothly. Experience more content on empire

Even as President, he still couldn't overcome the power of capital.

He remembered something Hardy had once said during a conversation: "Surviving in the cracks and thriving in competition, politics is the art of both competition and compromise."

After the U.S. Congress passed the proposal to sell Japan's assets, the news quickly reached Japan, and both Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida and the cabinet members felt dejected.

No matter how much they struggled, they couldn't avoid being gradually devoured.

They had tried.

They had employed every method.

But it was all to no avail.

Shigeru Yoshida was silent for a long time before speaking in a deep voice to his cabinet members, "This is just the first step. Those military factories are beyond saving. Next, the economic advisory envoy will begin guiding other Japanese enterprises. We must be prepared for what's to come."

The Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance quietly said, "Our companies now have no orders, no production, no profits. They are all hanging on by a thread. Many are struggling to stay afloat and are undergoing large-scale layoffs. Some factories have retained only a few dozen key technicians, while dismissing all regular workers, just to preserve a last gasp of life.

"Even so, they can't hold on for long. Under these conditions, if the Americans come to invest, do you think those business owners can resist? The list of investable companies we submitted to the Americans already has over a hundred enterprises, and that's with us trying our best to hold them off."

Their assets were being plundered.

It was humiliating and heartbreaking, but there was nothing they could do.

Shigeru Yoshida remained silent, the other cabinet members followed suit, falling into silence.

They had already discussed these issues many times before, and under the current circumstances, some problems had no solutions.

They could only respond with silence; sometimes, there was just no solution, especially in their current state.

Meetings often fell into sudden, awkward silences.

The passage of the proposal to sell off Japan's confiscated assets in Congress was good news for Hardy and the other consortiums.

Hardy, as the special envoy for Japan's economy, had the right to handle these assets and once again convened the major consortiums for a meeting.

It was time to officially divide the spoils.

Previously, they had reached a cooperative agreement, with each consortium registering hundreds of companies in the Cayman Islands, and using these companies to purchase the confiscated Japanese enterprises.

The economic teams meticulously divided the shares, with cross-holdings, so that in the end, these companies were all held by the Cayman companies.

On the surface, each enterprise was owned by three to five companies, but the division of shares was highly complex. Essentially, the seven major consortiums jointly controlled these 300 Japanese companies, forming a vast and relatively stable interest group.

Even though the Cayman Islands were not fully developed yet, business had already started.